The Companions
The Prophet's Household
 

The Place of The Karbala Incident in The History of Islam and Its Consequences

 

It would not be appropriate to say that the only reason behind Hussain’s (a.s.) action against the Umayyad government was the invitations of the people of Kufa. 

 

The Iraqis had lost the struggle for power that they had started by supporting Ali (a.s.) against the Syrians that were acting under the leadership of Muawiyah (a.s.). As a result of this, the center of the government, and thus the treasury were moved from Kufa to Damascus. The Iraqis that had previously considered themselves to be the real owners of the state were lowered to the level of province. The income from the large plots of land that had been conquered by the Iraqis were now under the control of the people of Damascus. While the people of Damascus were content with their higher salaries, the Iraqis were left with salaries that were subtracted from, if not totally cut, sometimes depending on the sweet will of the people of Damascus. These conditions bothered the proud residences of the old capital and worsened their grudge towards the government. When they found an opportunity to show their discomfort, they rebelled against the government. They first remembered the children and grandchildren of Ali (a.s.), when they wanted to act against Umayyad. Not only the longing felt for the past, but also the affection cherished for Ali (a.s.), made almost all the Iraqis wholeheartedly support these actions. However, somehow this support that began in the heart could end with the sword. As a result of this, the attempts that had begun in the name of Ahl al-Bayt and created excitement at the beginning, but finished abrubtly were always ineffective. Most of these operations resulted in tragedy, for a child of Ali (a.s.) who was in a position to be leader. In the history of Islam, the first ring of this chain of incidents and tragedies that were displayed against the attempt of Hussain (a.s.) is the Karbala incident.

After the death of Muawiyah (a.s.), with Yazid becoming the caliph, opponents of the government of Kufa immediately took action and decided to invite Hussain (a.s.), who was in Mecca at the time, to their city. For this reason, the opponents of the government of Kufa gathered at the house of Suleiman bin Surad and wrote a letter addressing Hussain (a.s.). In the letter, they were calling him to Kufa to gather together the people who were dispersed against Yazid, and they were promising to declare him the caliph and fight with him against Yazid if he came. [1] Other invitations that included similar requests and commitments followed this letter. Upon the augmentation of these requests, Hussein (a.s.) wrote an answer addressing the people of Kufa and said: “I understand everything you have told me. I am sending my uncle’s son, Muslim, to you. I have ordered him to write me your situation, conditions and opinions. If he also writes that the notables of your community are gathered around the opinions that you have told me in your letter, with God’s will, I will be there soon”[2]

The income from the large plots of land that had been conquered by the Iraqis were now under the control of the people of Damascus. While the people of Damascus were content with their higher salaries, the Iraqis were left with salaries that were subtracted from, if not totally cut, sometimes depending on the sweet will of the people of Damascus.

It would not be appropriate to say that the only reason behind Hussain’s (a.s.) action against the Umayyad government was the invitations of the people of Kufa. In fact, he had already left Medina and gone to Mecca before any letter was delivered to him, and he did not accept the legitimacy of Yazid’s caliphate due to the fact that he had become the caliph in defiance of the principles of the council and election.  On the other hand, it is known that Hussain (a.s.) found himself more competent and worthy of directing the Muslims than Yazid. His belief that Yazid could not direct Muslims because he was a sinner and an illiterate person played a significantly important role in his attempts to enter into a political struggle. With these factors that came into mind as reasons of Hussain’s (a.s.) actions, it is obvious that the invitation letters that came from Kufa encouraged him to take action, which at least determined the timing and direction within the political scope of his activity.[3]

Actually, the fact that Hussain (a.s.) received invitation letters from the people of Kufa is not surprising. In fact, this city was accepted as a political center by both his father; Ali (a.s.), and his brother; Hassan (a.s.). Furthermore, the majority of the supporters of Ali (a.s.) were living here. The things that Muawiyah (a.s.) did to them recently through Ziyad and his son; Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad continued to be fresh in the minds. Moreover, Muawiyah (a.s.) did not even come to visit Iraq once, just to please them and did not bother to compliment them. Under these circumstances, the caliphate of Umayyad was seen as an action of invasion over the lands of Islam and the former capital Kufa in the eye’s of the Iraqis. Consequently, the Iraqis decided to try their chance to regain their former opportunities that they had lost to the people of Damascus because of Muawiyah (a.s.), through Hussain (a.s.).[4]

 

Hussain (a.s.). As a result, a support group with significant numbers was gathered in the city. Upon these progressions, Muslim sent a message to Hussain (a.s.) and told him to come to the city.

 

Before taking any action, Hussain (a.s.) sent his uncle’s son; Muslim ibn Aqîl, to Kufa. When Muslim reached the city, he was met with great courtesy from the public. At the beginning, he determined the house of the village headman; al-Saqafî as the center of the action. Benefitting from the tolerance of the governor of the city; Nu’man ibn Bashir; who had a benign personality, the supporters of Ali (a.s.) started to conduct meetings. Most of the people coming were promising to fight with Hussain (a.s.). As a result, a support group with significant numbers was gathered in the city. Upon these progressions, Muslim sent a message to Hussain (a.s.) and told him to come to the city.[5]

On the other hand, the supporters of Umayyad that were at Kufa sent a message to the capital and informed that the governor was indifferent to what was going on in the city and if Kufa was intended to be kept in hand, a powerful governor should be appointed to his place. Upon this, with the order of the caliph, the direction of the city was given to the governor of Bosnia; Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad. As soon as the new governor arrived to Kufa, he made a threatening speech that called the public to obedience:

“The Caliph appointed me as the government official to govern your city and collect tributes. He ordered me to do favor to those of you who are needy, feed the poor, treat the ones obeying their government well, while be tough on those that are rebellious and instigator. Here, I will obey and implement his orders. I will behave as a kind father to those of you who are good, and as a brother to those of you who obey. My sword and scourge will be on those who do not obey my orders and rebel against me. From now on, everyone can do whatever they want”.[6]

 

Hearing what happened to his host, Muslim ibn Aqîl sent a message to everyone who had promised to join him, and notified them that the time to announce their moves to the public had arrived.

 

After the threat of the governor, the people of Kufa that were gathered aside Muslim ibn Aqîl started to disperse. Upon this, Muslim sheltered at the house of one of the leading supporters of Ali (a.s.); Hani ibn ‘Urwa al-Muradi, and continued his activities for the name of Hussain (a.s.) from there. In the meantime, the governor; Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad was following his every step very carefully. As a matter of fact, one of the emancipated slaves of the governor acted as a supporter of Ali (a.s.), and started to interfere with the people that were around Muslim. He transmitted who was coming to Hani’s house and about what they were talking to the governor. Afterwards, Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad called Hani and asked his opinion about the recent circumstances. Even though at the beginning the addressee rejected what was told, after being confronted with the emancipated slave, he had to confess his relation with Muslim ibn Aqîl and the activities that were carried out in his house. Nonetheless, he said that he did not invite Muslim himself, but he could not send him back from his door so he took him as a guest and if the governor permitted he would personally take him out of his house. However, when Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad said that he would not consent to anything other than handing Muslim to them, Hani rejected this offer on account of the fact that rendering his guest for slaughter would be a dishonorable act. Upon this, after beating him to death, Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad imprisoned Hani.[7]

Hearing what happened to his host, Muslim ibn Aqîl sent a message to everyone who had promised to join him, and notified them that the time to announce their moves to the public had arrived.Upon this, the supporters of Ali (a.s.) in the city started to move towards the governor’s palace. Seeing that the situation was progressing against his will from the augmenting crowd, Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad demanded from the notables of the city that was aside him to get out, take their relatives away from the crowd, promise gratification to those who obeyed and intimidate those who tried to rebel. Following the speeches of tribal chiefs addressing their relatives, the crowd around the governor’s palace started to disperse quickly. It was so much that there was only a group of 30 people left at Muslim ibn Aqîl’s side. After those also had left his side in short notice, Muslim dived into the streets of city, without knowing what to do. Eventually he took shelter in the home of an old woman named Taw, who belonged to the Kindah tribe. On the other hand, after the night prayer, the governor made a speech addressing the public and declared that the people that protected Muslim would be punished severely, while the people that brought Muslim or notified his whereabouts to him would be rewarded. In the meantime, all enters and exists to the city were held by the guardsmen of the governor and the search of the houses was started to be done.[8] In the morning of the following day, the son of the old woman that Muslim was staying with informed the governor that Muslim was hiding at their house. Upon this, Muslim was caught and brought to the presence of the governor. Afterwards, he was taken to the roof of the palace and killed. After him, Hani ibn ‘Urwa al-Muradi that had been imprisoned previously was slaughtered with the order of the governor.  (H.9 Zilhicce 60/M.10 September 680).[9]

 

After finishing the preparations for the journey, Hussain (a.s.) set off with his family from Mecca to Kufa in the sixth year of Hijra, on the eight day of the Dhu al-Hijjah month (September 9, 680). Everyone that he met during his journey warned him not to trust the people of Kufa and advised him to turn back.

 

After receiving Muslim’s letter that invited him to Kufa, Hussain (a.s.) decided to take action. Abdullah b. Abbâs, who was informed about his movement preparations warned him about not to trust the Iraqis and said that it was highly possible for the people that had called him to leave him alone any moment. As opposed to that, Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr encouraged Hussain (a.s.) for going to Iraq by saying that “If I had followers like you, I would never hesitate to go there.”[10] The following day, even though Abdullah ibn Abbâs came again and said that he should change his mind about going to Iraq, if he definitely wanted to start a movement, Yemen would be a more appropriate place to start, since the people there would support him from the heart, Hussain (a.s.) did not change his decision.[11]

After finishing the preparations for the journey, Hussain (a.s.) set off with his family from Mecca to Kufa in the sixth year of Hijra, on the eight day of the Dhu al-Hijjah month (September 9, 680). Everyone that he met during his journey warned him not to trust the people of Kufa and advised him to turn back.Among these, the poet Ferazdak informed him about not to go to Iraq by saying; “The hearts of the people of Kufa are with you, whereas their swords are with the sons of Umayyad.”  However, even his warning was not effective.[12] In the meantime the letter that Abdullah ibn Ja’far had sent from Mecca reached the convoy. Abdullah ibn Ja’far was virtually begging Hussain (a.s.) to come back, and warning him about the fact that this movement might even lead to the distraction of the whole family. He notified that he had taken assurance for Hussain (a.s.) from the governor of Mecca. However, even his efforts did not change Hz. Hussein’s decision about going to Iraq.[13]

On the other side, after warding off Muslim ibn Aqîl and having heard that Hussain (a.s.) was on the move from Mecca to Kufa, the governor of Kufa; Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad prompted the military troop that was under the command of Hussain b. Numayr for keeping a close watch on the roads that Hussain (a.s.) would pass.[14] In the meantime, Hussain (a.s.) was proceeding on his way. When he reached a place called Salabiyya, he heard the news about Muslim ibn Aqîl being killed by Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad Upon this, some of the people that were moving together with Hussain (a.s.) said that since they did not have an attendant at Kufa anymore, there would be no use in continuing and above all, it would mean risking their lives. However, this time the children of Muslim declared that they would not return before they took the revenge of their father. Thus, following this circumstance, Hussain (a.s.) decided to continue.[15]

 

Eventually, only a relative that he set off from Mecca with Hussain (a.s.) remained.

 

During the walk, the news had arrived about the foster brother of Hussain (a.s.), Abdullah b. Buktur, who was sent to Muslim at Kufa as a messenger, stating that he had been caught by the patrols of Hussain b. Numayr, been taken to Kufa and there, he had been tortured and killed by Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad. With this final incident, Hussain (a.s.) stated that he totally gave up hope for his supporters at Kufa and from then on, he would not condemn anyone who wished to turn back. Upon this, some of the participants who had joined the convoy later to support him started to rebel. Eventually, only a relative that he set off from Mecca with Hussain (a.s.) remained.[16] In the meantime, Abdullah ibn Mutî, who came from Iraq, warned Hussain (a.s.) by saying that; “In the name of God, we want you to return. I swear to God that you are going directly towards sharp swords. If the people that had sent you these news did not leave you with no choice but to fight, if they had already prepared everything for you and then you came for them, that would be to the purpose. However, under these circumstances, I do not find you taking such an action appropriate”. However, Hussain (a.s.) answered his addressee as follows; “I am aware of the situation that you are talking about. However, nothing can go against the order of sacred and almighty God.”[17]

Continuing his journey to Kufa, at a place called Zû Husum, Hussain (a.s.) came across a military troop under the command of Hurr ibn Yazid that Hussain b. Numayr lodging at Qâdisiya had sent. Their duty was to keep the convoy coming from Mecca under constant supervision and bring them to Kufa. Hussain (a.s.) notified his addressees that he absolutely would not go to the presence of Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad. On the other hand, Hurr ibn Yazid said “I did not take orders to fight with you; I am only responsible for not leaving you from my sight until I take you to Kufa. If you do not accept, I will not take you to Kufa. However, then you should set off through a road that would not take you to Medina. I will write about this to Ibn Ziyad , and you should write to Yazid or Ibn Ziyad as well. Maybe, God would open a path for me that would bring me the welfare of not involving in anything related to you again.” As a result of this, Hussain (a.s.) moved to a different routing between Kufa and Medina. The Iraqi soldiers were following him. After a short while, the letter of Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad arrived. The governor of Kufa ordered Hurr ibn Yazid to prevent Hussain (a.s.) from sheltering to precipitous and fortified places and to force him to lodge in places without water and that no one passed by. Upon this, with the people around him, Hussain (a.s.) was taken to a place at the Ninowa region that is located at 100 km southeast of Bagdad today, and it was called Karbala[18] (2 Muharram 61/October 2 680).[19] Meanwhile, a group coming from Kufa notified that Qays bin Mushir al-Saydawi that Hussain (a.s.) sent as a messenger was captured by Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad and he was killed by means of being thrown over the castle.  Thus, not even a glimmer of hope was left for Hussain (a.s.) at Kufa anymore. [20]

 

On the fourth day of the lodging of Hussain’s (a.s.) convoy at Karbala, Sa’d ibn Abi Waqqas reached the territory with his army. Sa‘d was appointed as the “Ballot (Rey) Governor” by Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad.

 

On the fourth day of the lodging of Hussain’s (a.s.) convoy at Karbala, Sa’d ibn Abi Waqqas reached the territory with his army. Sa‘d was appointed as the “Ballot[21]  (Rey) Governor” by Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad.However, hearing that Hussain (a.s.) was on the move, the governor assigned this situation to Sa‘d and told him to forget being the “Ballot Governor” if he refrained from this duty.     Even though Sa‘d insistently asked to be relieved from this duty, he could not succeed. Because he could not forgo the opportunity to become the “Ballot Governor”, although his relatives had warned him about not to be embroiled with Hussain’s (a.s.) blood, he reluctantly undertook the command of the army.[22]

After Hussain (a.s.) had reached Karbala,  Sa‘d asked him the reason behind his decision about coming to Kufa. Hussain (a.s.) told him that the people of Kufa invited him personally, but depending on the current conditions he could return back immediately. The meetings between these two continued as either open meetings or private conversations. Omar, who wished to end this situation without any collision, sent a letter to Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyadthat both included the offers of Hussain (a.s.) and asked Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyadhow he should proceed. In the answer that had come in short notice, Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyadrequested him to offer Hussain (a.s.) the obedience to the caliph and also cut off his connection with water totally. This incident took place three days before the martyr of Hussain (a.s.). As a result of these new circumstances, Hussain (a.s.) and the people at his side could get water under significantly harsh conditions. In the meantime, Hussain (a.s.) asked the commander of the army to either let them return back, or allow them to go to the border cities and make jihad or give him the permission to go to the presence of Yazid to talk this situation personally. This request was conveyed to Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad immediately. The governor did not accept any offer that was made to him. On the contrary, he instructed Shimr ibn Thil-Jawshan to go to  Sa‘d, and summon Hussain (a.s.) to surrender, and ordering him to battle if Hussain (a.s.) refused to give in. Moreover, he told him to obey Omar b. Sa‘d if he would fulfill Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad’s orders, and if Sa‘d did not accept, he demanded Shimr ibn Thil-Jawshan to behead him, take the command of the army and attack Hussain (a.s.). The governor also sent a letter directly to Omar b. Sa‘d with Shimr that stated; “I did not send you there to be reluctant to fight with Hussain, to let him progress, give him more time or to come against me. Now listen very carefully. If Hussain and the others accompanying him consent to my decisions and surrender, you will send them to me, but if they do not accept, fight with them until they are all dead. If you implement our orders, you will be rewarded just the way the obedient people were rewarded. If you do not accept this, however, then abandon the command of our army and leave it to Shimr.”This order coming from Kufa annoyed Omar b. Sa‘d, but he did not pass his duty on to Shimr, and decided to command the attack that would be organized against Hussain (a.s.) by himself.[23]

 

The governor did not accept any offer that was made to him. On the contrary, he instructed Shimr ibn Thil-Jawshan to go to Sa‘d, and summon Hussain (a.s.) to surrender, and ordering him to battle if Hussain (a.s.) refused to give in.

 

With the final instruction coming from Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad the war was inevitable. Noticing that the time for the attack was near, on the 9th of the Muharram month, Thursday (October 9, 680),  Hussain (a.s.) sent a message to Omar b. Sa‘d and requested him to postpone the attack because they would pray all night and beg for the forgiveness of their sins. The commander accepted the request. Gathering his supporters together during midnight, Hussain (a.s.) said that he was the target of the people of Kufa, so anyone who wished could leave and save their lives and he would never condemn the ones that left. However, all of the people at his side notified that they would be with him till the end. Upon this, Hussain (a.s.) requested the tents to be brought closer for defense and the women and children to be gathered in the middle.[24]

The following day (Muharram 10, Friday 61/ October 10, 680), after the morning prayer, both sides took their positions to fight the battle. Hussain (a.s.) made a long speech with the people of Kufa that were waiting for the order to attack.After saying that he was there because of the invitation letters that had been sent by some of the members of the army of Kufa personally, he counted the names of the people that had sent letters to Mecca. However, the people there claimed that they did not do such a thing and denied the invitation calls that they had made.[25] Meanwhile an interesting incident occurred: The commander of the Iraq troop; Hurr ibn Yazid, that met Hussain (a.s.) on the road from Mecca to Kufa and prevented him from returning back left Omar b. Sa‘d’s army and joined Hz. Hussein’s (ra) side. He apologized for his previous actions and notified that he would fight on his side. Afterwards, he tried to warn his friends not to fight against Hussain (a.s.). However, his speeches did not yield any results.[26]

 

Right after this, with ten people beside him, Shimr walked all over to Hussain (a.s.), who was wounded, and hit with fatal blows. As a result of this final attack, Hussain (a.s.) was martyred.

 

After Hurr ibn Yazid had joined the side of Hussain (a.s.), the war started with the arrow that Sa‘d shot in Hussain’s (a.s.) side. The people at Hussain’s (a.s.) side were fighting by surrounding Hussain (a.s.) to protect him. Hurr ibn Yazid from Kufa was one of the fighters that demonstrated highest efforts. However, it was not possible for the outnumbered supporters of Hussain (a.s.) to show resistance to the heavy attacks coming from all sides. On the other hand, Omar b. Sa‘d ordered Numayr not to perform an attack that targets Hussain (a.s.) directly. As a result of this attack, the people trying to protect Hussain (a.s.) died respectively. Eventually, only Hussain (a.s.) was left. However, every soldier of Kufa that came near him turned back and could not dare to kill him. Finally, with Shimr’s encouragement and imperative order, the soldiers attacked all together. First, Mâlik ibn Nusayr from Kufa hit his head and wounded him. At the same time, the arrow that one of the commanders from Kufa, Hussain b. Numayr, shot, was lodged in Hussain’s (a.s.) throat. Right after this, with ten people beside him, Shimr walked all over to Hussain (a.s.), who was wounded, and hit with fatal blows. As a result of this final attack, Hussain (a.s.) was martyred. After killing him, the people of Kufa plundered his belongings. The goods that were found in the tents were usurped. Meanwhile, in one of the tents, the soldiers found the ill son of Hussain (a.s.), Ali, who was known by the name of Zayn al-‘Abidin.  Even though Shimr wanted to kill him too, the people at his side obstructed him by saying that it would be wrong to kill a child, especially when he was ill. In conclusion, including Hussain (a.s.), 72 people were killed by the people of Kufa at the Karbala incident. In the references it is claimed that the people of Kufa also lost 88 men during the attacks.[27]

The decapitated heads of Hussain (a.s.) and people that were killed with him were taken to the governor; Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad. Two days later, Omar b. Sa‘d sent the children and women left from Hussain (a.s.) to Kufa. The bodies of the martyrs that were left behind were buried by the members of the Banî Asad tribe to a place called Hâir.[28] The decapitated heads of Hussain (a.s.) and his supporters, and the women and children were taken from Kufa to Damascus. In the sources of the history of Islam, there are rumors claiming that Yazid b. Muawiyah (a.s.) felt really sorry about what had happened to Hussain (a.s.) and his supporters, blamed Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad for taking the incidents to this point, and cursed him for doing that. However, the fact that Yazid did not imposed any sanctions against Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyadthrows suspicion on whether Yazid did not approved the incidents in reality or not. It can be understood that while Yazid felt sorry for what had happened, he did not fulfilled the obligation of his sadness and did not investigate the people responsible. Furthermore, during his time, Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyadcontinued his duty at Kufa with extraordinary authorities. Because of that, it is possible to say that, even though it was done through methods that he did not approve, let alone being sad, Yazid was satisfied with the result since he got rid of his greatest political competitor. Nonetheless, Yazid treated Hussain’s (a.s.) family as his special guests throughout the time they were with him, and after a while, providing their all kind of needs, he assigned a guards unit to their assistance and made them reach Medina safe and sound.[29]

 

There is a general consensus among historians about the fact the people really liable for the Karbala incident are Yazid, his governor Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad and the people of Kufa, who had first invited him to the city, and then slaughtered him themselves.

 

After conveying the Karbala incident in detail, historians of Islam made certain evaluations about the liabilities of people that were directly or indirectly involved in this incident.According to these evaluations, the people with first degree liability are Yazid, who was at the caliphate position and carried the political liability of the incident, his governor at Kufa, Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad and the commanders at his command, and the people of Kufa, that first had invited Hussain (a.s.) to their city, then left him alone and furthermore, that killed him with their own hands at Karbala. There is no one from Umayyad or Damascus among the killers of Hussain (a.s.). Even though the governor of Kufa; Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyad,seems the apparent responsible of the slaughter that occurred in Karbala, it is obvious that Yazid who was at the position of presidency during that time, is actually the political and real responsible of the incident. With the martyr of especially Hussain (a.s.) and his supporters, the invasion of Medina and the blockage Mecca, and because of the fact that he was the primary responsible of the incidents where the Kaaba was vandalized through battering rams, maybe Yazid b. Muawiyah (a.s.) happened to be the person that was hated the most by Muslims throughout the history of Islam. Such that, his name was used as an adjective of insult so much that even today, this perception continues.

There is a general consensus among historians about the fact the people really liable for the Karbala incident are Yazid, his governor Ubayd-Allah ibn Ziyadand the people of Kufa, who had first invited him to the city, and then slaughtered him themselves.However, aside from this, some historians also point out the fact that Hussain (a.s.) also had responsibility and negligence over the result of the incident. According to them, even though a lot of Sahaba leaders warned him about not to leave Mecca and go to Kufa, and if he must move, he should prefer Yemen, Hussain (a.s.) decided himself, disregarded these warnings and thus behaved against the principle of consultation. Moreover, while entering to a war with the enemy, he did not act cautiously and took enough soldiers to protect himself and by making such a move he endangered both his and his family members’ lives. Even though he knew that the people of Kufa could not be trusted from the experiences of both his father and his brother, and also heard that Muslim ibn Aqîl, that he sent as a representative was killed, he did not return back and continued his movement to Kufa. This behavior of him resulted with the destruction of the majority of Ahl al-bayt. [30]

 

Depending on its short and long term results, the Karbala Incident is considered to be one of the most complicated and important incidents of the history of Islam.

 

Depending on its short and long term results, the Karbala Incident is considered to be one of the most complicated and important incidents of the history of Islam.Because of Karbala, a great indignance evolved among the public towards both the president, Yazid and the dynasty of Umayyad. In fact, as a reaction for the slaughter of Hussain (a.s.), various people and groups organized a lot of rebels with different intentions. In conclusion, this incident resulted with a significant loss of trust towards Umayyad among the Muslim community and continued to be the most important tool of propaganda for the anti-government actions until the destruction of the dynasty. The ones that used the incident for their own benefits the most are the Abbasids that took over the ruling power from Umayyad as a result of the rebel that they started at Khorasan.  Because of this, the historians of Islam counted the slaughter of Hussain (a.s.) as a primary reason of the destruction of the Umayyad.

 

The incident of Karbala not only had political results, but also was accepted as the most important reason which determined the ideology of the Shia movement.

 

The incident of Karbala not only had political results, but also was accepted as the most important reason which determined the ideology of the Shia movement.After this, Shiism exceeded the dimension of being just a supporter of Ali, it made the ones that were loyal to him turn into a group which believed that directing the Muslims happened to be an inalienable right of the sons of Ali (a.s.) and considered this as a religious ruling. As a reaction against the inheritance method that the Umayyad was using to change over the government, the Shias started to defend the thesis that the caliphate was the right of the descendants of Ali (a.s.), and they also began to get this notion accepted. As a matter of fact, throughout the later periods, Karbala incident became the reference point of every political move and idea foundation that were made for the name of Ahl al-bayt. In summary, the martyr of Hussain (a.s.) was considered to be the political source of life, the date of birth of the Shia sect. In fact, even though the fundamental person and the point of movement for the Shiism was Ali (a.s.), because of this incident the name of Hussain (a.s.) became more prominent. While the date that Hussain (a.s.) was martyred was remembered by commemorations and glorious ceremonies were carried out, the incident that Ali (a.s.)was martyred and its anniversary never grabbed that much of attention. In fact, even today, the realm of emotion and soul of the Shiism (Imamiye) are directed by the love of Hussain (a.s.). His tragic end created a genre in the literature of Islam, coronaches named “maqtal” and “Maqtal al-Hussain” were written to be read at the condolence ceremonies.[31]

 



[1]    Ebû Mihnef, Maktelü’l-İmam el-Hüseyn, (thk. Hasen Abullah Ebû Salih), ? 1997,  s. 17; Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl,(nşr. Ömer Faruk Tabbâ), Beyrut ts. (Dâru’l-Erkam), s. 207-208, 212; Ya‘kûbî, Tarih,I-II, Beyrut 1960, II, 241-242; Mes‘ûdî, Mürûcü'z-Zeheb, I-IV, (thk.Muhammed Muhyiddin Abdulhamid), Mısır 1964,  III, 64; İbn Kesîr, el-Bidâye ve’n-Nihâye,I-XIV, Beyrut-Riyad ts. (Mektebetü’l-Meârif--Mektebetü’n-Nasr), VIII,151-152.

[2]    İbn Kuteybe, el-İmâme ve’s-Siyâse,(thk. Tâhâ Muhammed Zeynî), I-II, Kâhire 1967,  II, 4; Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s. 212-213; Taberî, Tarihu’l-Ümem ve’l-Mülûk,(thk. Muhammed Ebu’l-Fadl İbrahim), I-XI, Beyrut ts. (Dâru’s-Süveydân), Tarih, V, 347-348; İbnü’l-Esîr, el-Kâmil fi’t-Tarih,I-IX, Beyrut 1986, III, 266-267.

[3]    Bu konuda bilgi ve değerlendirmeler için bk. Demircan, Adnan, İslâm Tarihinin İlk Asrında İktidar Mücadelesi, İstanbul 1996, s. 339-350; Kılıç, Ünal, Tartışmaların Odağındaki Halife Yazid b. Muaviye, İstanbul 2001, s. 215-222.

[4]    Dûrî, Abdülaziz, İlk Dönem İslâm Tarihi, (çev. Hayrettin Yücesoy), İstanbul 1991, s. 113; Vida, Della, “Emevîler”, İA, IV, 243.

[5]    Ebû Mihnef, Maktelü Huseyn, s. 19; İbn Kuteybe, el-İmâme, II, 4; Ya‘kûbî, Tarih, II, 242; İbnü’l-Cevzî, el-Muntazam fî Tarihi’l-Ümem ve’l-Mülûk,(thk. Muhammed Abdülkadir Atâ-Mustafa Abdülkadir Atâ), I-XVIII, Beyrut 1992, V, 325; İbn Kesîr, el-Bidâye, VIII, 152.

[6]    Halîfe b. Hayyât, Tarih, (thk. Süheyl Zekkâr), I-II, Beyrut 1993,  s. 176; Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s. 213-215; Mes‘ûdî, Mürûcü’z-Zeheb, III, 64; İbnü’l-Cevzî, el-Muntazam, V, 326; İbnü’l-Esîr, el-Kâmil, III, 267-269; İbn Kesîr, el-Bidâye, VIII, 152-154.

[7]    İbn Kuteybe, el-İmâme, II, 4-5; Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s. 215-219; Ya‘kûbî, Tarih, II, 243; İbn Abdirabbih, KitabuIkdi’l-Ferîd, I-VII, Kâhire 1965,  IV, 378; Mes‘ûdî, Mürûcü’z-Zeheb, III, 66-67; İbn Kesîr, el-Bidâye, VIII, 154-155.

[8]    Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s.220-221; Ya‘kûbî, Tarih, II, 243; Mes‘ûdî, Mürûcü’z-Zeheb, III, 67-68; İbn Kesîr, el-Bidâye, VIII, 155.

[9]    Halîfe b. Hayyât, Tarih, s. 176; İbn Kuteybe, el-İmâme, II, 5; Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s. 221-223; Ya‘kûbî, Tarih, II, 243; Taberî, Tarih, V, 347-393; İbn Abdirabbih, el-Ikdü’l-Ferîd, IV, 378-379; Mes‘ûdî, Mürûcü’z-Zeheb, III, 68-70; İbnü’l-Cevzî, el-Muntazam, V, 326-327; İbnü’l-Esîr, el-Kâmil, III, 269-275; İbn Kesîr, el-Bidâye, VIII, 155-157.

[10]   Mes‘ûdî, Mürûcü’z-Zeheb, III, 64-65; İbnü’l-Cevzî, el-Muntazam, V, 328-329; İbn Kesîr, el-Bidâye, VIII, 159-160.

[11]   Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s. 223-224; Taberî, Tarih, V, 382-385; İbn Kesîr, el-Bidâye, VIII, 160-163. For evaluations about this topic look Kılıç, Ünal, Yazid b. Muaviye, s. 247-253.

[12]   Halîfe b. Hayyât, Tarih, s. 176; Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s. 226; İbn Abdirabbih, el-Ikdü’l-Ferîd, IV,384; İbn Kesîr, el-Bidâye, VIII, 166.

[13]   Taberî, Tarih, V, 386-389; İbnü’l-Esîr, el-Kâmil, III, 275-277; İbn Kesîr, el-Bidâye, VIII, 163-164.

[14]   Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s. 224; Taberî, Tarih, V, 394, 401.

[15]   Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s. 228-229; İbn Kesîr, el-Bidâye, VIII, 168-169.

[16]   Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s. 228; Taberî, Tarih, V, 394-399.

[17]   Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s. 227; İbnü’l-Esîr, el-Kâmil, III, 277-278.

[18]   Yâkût el-Hamevî, Mu‘cemu’l-Buldân,  I-V, Beyrut 1975, IV, 445.

[19]   İbn Kuteybe, el-İmâme, II, 5-6; Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s. 228-232; Ya‘kûbî, Tarih, II, 243-244; Taberî, Tarih, V, 401-404., 408-409; İbn Abdirabbih, el-Ikdü’l-Ferîd, IV, 379; Mes‘ûdî, Mürûcü’z-Zeheb, III,70; İbnü’l-Cevzî, el-Muntazam, V, 335-336; İbn Kesîr, el-Bidâye, VIII, 169-170, 172-174.

[20]   Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s. 226; Taberî, Tarih, V, 405.

[21]   Yâkût el-Hamevî, Mu‘cemu’l-Buldân, III, 116-122.

[22]   Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s. 232-233; Taberî, Tarih, V, 409-410; İbnü’l-Cevzî, el-Muntazam, V, 336.

[23]   İbn Kuteybe, el-İmâme, II, 6; Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s. 233-235; Taberî, Tarih, V, 413-416; İbnü’l-Cevzî, el-Muntazam, V, 336-337; İbn Kesîr, el-Bidâye, VIII, 170-171, 175-176.

[24]   Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s. 235; Taberî, Tarih, V, 417-422; İbn Abdirabbih, el-Ikdü’l-Ferîd, IV, 380; İbnü’l-Cevzî, el-Muntazam, V, 338-339.

[25]   Taberî, Tarih, V, 423-426; İbnü’l-Cevzî, el-Muntazam, V, 339.

[26]   Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s. 235-236; İbn Kesîr, el-Bidâye, VIII, 180. Bu konuda bk. Sarıcık, Murat, “Kerbelâ Olayında el-Hürr b. Yazid ve Hz. Hüseyin’le Mücadelesi”, Süleyman Demirel ÜİFD, sy. 2, Isparta 1995, s. 103-148.

[27]   İbn Kuteybe, el-İmâme, II, 6; Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s. 236-238; Ya‘kûbî, Tarih, II, 244-245; Taberî, Tarih, V, 427-455; İbn Abdirabbih, el-Ikdü’l-Ferîd, IV, 380; Mes‘ûdî, Mürûcü’z-Zeheb, III, 71; İbnü’l-Cevzî, el-Muntazam, V, 340-341; İbnü’l-Esîr, el-Kâmil, III, 279-296; İbn Kesîr, el-Bidâye, VIII, 179-188.

[28]   Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s. 238; Taberî, Tarih, V, 455-459; İbnü’l-Cevzî, el-Muntazam, V, 341; İbn Kesîr, el-Bidâye, VIII, 190-191.

[29]   İbn Kuteybe, el-İmâme, II, 6-7; Dineverî, el-Ahbâru’t-Tıvâl, s. 238-240; Taberî, Tarih, V, 459-471; İbnü’l-Cevzî, el-Muntazam, V, 341-346; İbnü’l-Esîr, el-Kâmil, III, 296-300; 194-198.

[30]   For further information and evaluation look Kılıç, Ünal, Yazid b. Muaviye, s. 275-288.

[31]   bk. Fığlalı, E. Ruhi, “Hüseyin”, DİA, XVIII, 521. For further information look Ebû Mihnef, Maktelü’l-İmam el-Hüseyn, (thk. Hasen Abullah Ebû Salih), ? 1997; Taberî, İstişhâdü’l-Hüseyn, (thk. Seyyid Cemîlî), Beyrut 1985.

 

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